"There can be no keener revelation of a society's soul than the way in which it treats it's children".
Nelson Mandela


 

                                  CHILD AWARE

LATE EDITORIALS

remembering thanks

heroic priests should not be left at the altar

Secret tapes reveal Cardinal warned victim to stay silent
Memory loss suffered by Howlin over missing vaccine files
Vulnerable children at risk being placed with unsafe carers
Psychiatric Report a Disgrace says Judge
Where will it all end?
Supreme Court Declines to hear Vatican Appeal; abuse victims' suit will proceed
Children not seen by Social Workers for 10 years
Ireland sells out children to invest in bank
Jobseekers' Benefit claimants to sign on by text
Time to reclaim law from Legal Priesthood
Church demands 2m euros fees from National Schools
Sligo (Banada) women attend Abuse Protest
Article says Indemnity was unconstitutional
Children in Care
So long Sniveller
Child Abuse is about Power
Geoffrey Robinson (Ret. Bishop) of Australia
De Facto Family not recognised
Patient Safety in HSE
Dr Rowan Williams - Archbishop of Canterbury
Fianna Fail never changes much as a Leopard never changes its spots

-----------------------------------------                                     REMEMBERING TO SAY THANK YOU

I was raised in an industrial / school for children in Galway.  It was a prison in everything but name. Like thousands of other children across the land at the time, boys and girls, I suffered under the hands of monsters that strode like maniacal despots over their very young charges. For me it would last a decade and the torment of a lifetime. There too, I observed the good among the bad, and  for them and others who share their goodness, I need to say something. They are the majority in every walk of life other wise anarchy would be the norm and the same percentages do also apply to religion.

My wife asked me recently why I never kept running from Galway after all I had been through. I replied that I remembered more the good that people did rather than the bad and could see beyond the dark granite walls that had imprisoned me. I still see that and maybe we all need reminding the good that many clergy do alongside people everywhere. In fact many do not have to think that hard to remember or know it to be so.

For me to believe either that the pigment of a persons skin can give me a clue to their good character or for me to believe that that clue will come from their religious or political beliefs will render me clueless altogether. The clues come from their words, deeds and action that are everywhere but not really noticed or acknowledged.

The good that many do should be shouted as loud as the roar of condemnation of the bad. The good are what I remember the best and what inspires me the most. They are celebrated more in song, movies, and pulp fiction than in real life. They are the un-mourned heroes of every age and lost in translation for we now call footballers heroes and humanitarians, fools. The good that people do has been more than lost in translation, it has been lost in how we define it for corruption has become the norm. It has become the norm in our elected leaders and the confusion and apathy created in the electorate in what they now see as normal.  It has been confused also by the behavior of those who give misguided support when defending the indefensible. We must learn again and see with fresh eyes the good that the many do.

It is wiser to listen more and read between the lines. Apathy is not healthy nor is the habits of a lifetime cynic. We need to celebrate the real heroes again and the many of them still living for often their only reward is our thanks. They walk lonely roads passing un-noticed as they help another. Many of these people are our priests and nuns, soldiers, and volunteer workers among others. These others cater to an infirm child or parent and would have done it anyway to a stranger. They are not fools to be pitied or derided but the force of characters most of us can only admire and inspire to but cannot do.

Give them a bow before you go to bed for the world would be a lot poorer without them and our moral compass would have rusted and decayed a long time ago. Someday too, you may need them to comfort you.

Barry Clifford, Oughterard, Galway    email: barryclifford952@gmail.com        

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The Irish Times - Tuesday, August 31, 2010
Heroic priests deserve not to be left alone at the altar

THE ITALIAN alpine village of Villaretto was drowsing under its blanket of snow when, on January 26th, 1985, the parish priest hanged himself, just before the Saturday evening Mass. He left three farewell letters, one addressed to the altar servers. It read: “Be more friendly and generous with your next priest: do not leave him alone at the altar.”

Those words have haunted me for years, for we do leave our priests alone at the altar and the loneliness of many a priest is a crucifixion.

I know, for I once was one. I left and am no longer lonely, but many truly heroic men have stayed and live their crucifixion daily, a far worse one than I ever had to endure.

The loneliness of many priests today is infinitely crueller than anything I experienced 30 years ago. Just to give one example: last month a priest friend of mine in Dublin was talking to a boy after Sunday Mass, when the boy’s father came up to him and said: “Father, I’d rather you stayed away from my son.”

The tiny handful of evil-doers among the clergy, along with the incredibly crass, self-protecting decisions of church leaders, all the way up to the Vatican, have made life hell for many priests.

Have you noticed how few black suits and Roman collars you see on the streets today? Understandably, for no one wants to be spat at and there are some among the public who would just do that.

“Many priests I know are currently short of hope,” writes Fr Tom McCarthy OP in Religious Life Review . “I have spoken with some, still active in ministry, who describe the situation in which they find themselves as ‘hopeless’. Yes, they frequently say Mass and hear confessions just occasionally, but they speak of being aware something is badly broken in the church. And they are not sure it can be fixed.”

Few lay people realise what priests are up against today. I know of one very eminent priest, a brilliant scholar who devoted every moment of his spare time to the care of deprived young people.

One disgruntled woman made an accusation against him, alleging that he had interfered with her years before. The bishop immediately removed him from his work and he was forbidden to have any connection with the young people. This continued for three years, until he was dying in hospital. Two weeks before he died, a letter arrived from the bishop, apologising and saying that the woman had admitted to lying.

According to sociologist Max Weber, institutions invariably put their own protection before all else. In the old days the church protected itself by moving errant priests around, hiding their crimes and thus compounding the evil.

Nowadays the church has gone to the opposite extreme: it protects itself by presuming guilt and removing the priest on the merest accusation, which means that every priest in the land lives in perpetual fear of a false accusation. It is hard to imagine the suffering this must entail. Add to this the incredible amount of overwork laid on so many priests, many now in their 60s and 70s, who have to circuit-ride several parishes because of the scarcity of priests. Furthermore, add in their anxiety for the future, with so few younger men coming to take their place. And yet, in spite of that, they carry on and continue with such incredible devotion and generosity.

The well-known ones are only the tip of the iceberg. I myself know many such.

Only recently I met our own curate to arrange a Mass. It was clear from incoming calls and diary entries that he was run off his feet, and I remarked so. His reply: “Thank God I’m able to do it.”

So if there is talk of a new Association of Irish Priests, it is hardly fair to sneer at it as a mere clerical trade union. I think they intend something quite other. Remember how the apostles gathered in the upper room after Jesus left them. They were lonely and in fear.

If I were a priest today, I would long for some care and mutual support from my brethren.

Years ago I discovered that many resigned priests were living in loneliness and isolation from one another. Some of us got together to form an association called Leaven and, in the years that followed, it changed all our lives astonishingly. We were no longer alone.

I believe that Ireland’s active priests will achieve something similar, and let us remember who descended upon the disciples when they gathered together in that upper room.

Meanwhile, let us not leave our priests alone at the altar.

David Rice is a former Dominican who now directs the Killaloe Hedge School of Writing, running weekend beginner workshops in fiction and non-fiction (killaloe.ie/khs)


-----------------------------------------


Secret tapes reveal cardinal warned victim to stay silent
Shock recordings of Belgian primate latest abuse bombshell to hit church

By Tom Heneghan in Paris
Monday August 30 2010


Leaked tapes of Belgium's Cardinal Godfried Danneels urging a victim not to reveal he was sexually abused by a bishop are some of the most damaging documents to emerge in the scandal rocking the Catholic Church worldwide.

On the tapes, made secretly by the victim and published in two Belgian newspapers at the weekend, the former primate of Belgium is heard exhorting him to accept a private apology or wait one year until the bishop retired before making his case public.

The meeting took place on April 8, at a time when the Vatican was under fire for allegedly covering up similar abuse cases in other countries.

A spokesman for Cardinal Danneels (77) denied the once popular archbishop of Brussels wanted to cover up the case -- which led to the sudden resignation of then Bruges Bishop Roger Vangheluwe (73) later that month -- but the tapes show the cardinal arguing for silence.

Belgian church spokesman Jurgen Mettepenningen confirmed the transcripts in Flemish dailies 'De Standaard' and 'Het Nieuwsblad' were genuine.

The church has been hit over the past year by two detailed government reports on sexual abuse in this country and waves of abuse allegations in Germany, Switzerland, Austria, Belgium and the Netherlands. Five bishops have quit due to the scandals.

The Belgian tapes stand out as a rare verbatim record of how a leading Catholic prelate tried to persuade a victim, in this case a 42-year-old nephew of Vangheluwe, to keep quiet.

They emerged as a judicial probe into the scandal teetered on the edge of collapse after reports that a June 24 police raid on church offices and Cardinal Danneels's apartment to seize files and computers was illegal and the documents could not be used.

In their one-on-one meeting, the victim asks for help. The cardinal responds by urging him not to go public.


"The bishop will resign next year, so actually it would be better for you to wait," the cardinal says. "I don't think you'd do yourself or him a favour by shouting this from the rooftops."

Cardinal Danneels warns the victim against trying to blackmail the church and urges him to seek forgiveness, accept a private apology from the bishop and not drag "his name through the mud".

"He has dragged my whole life through the mud, from five until 18 years old," says the victim. "Why do you feel so sorry for him and not for me?"

In a second tape, Cardinal Danneels and Vangheluwe meet the victim and one of his relatives. The bishop apologises and says he has searched for years for a way to make up for his misdeeds. "This is unsolvable," the relative replies. "You've torn our family completely apart."

Vangheluwe resigned on April 23. The newspaper said the victim decided to publish the tapes to counter allegations of blackmail.


Files go missing in child vaccine inquiry
Howlin can't remember probe or its findings

Saturday August 21 2010
Patricia McDonagh
Irish Independent


The deputy chairman of the Dail was last night at the centre of a new controversy over child vaccine trials.
As Labour Health Minister in 1993, Brendan Howlin assured victims that an inquiry had found they suffered no ill effects from the experimental medical tests.

But last night mystery surrounded the whereabouts of the files relating to the inquiry, Mr Howlin admitted he did not remember the probe or its findings.

The Department of Health said it was searching department archives in a bid to locate the documents. "Until all the files are retrieved, the department cannot say if the results of the inquiry exist," a spokesman said.
The claims follow yesterday's revelations in the Irish Independent that some victims of the trials are preparing a class action against the drugs giant responsible for the trials.
New documents reveal Mr Howlin's private secretary told victims the minister was "satisfied" there was no risk to the children
subjected to the trials in the 1960s and 1970s. This was based on an inquiry supposedly carried out by the Department of Health.


Vulnerable children at risk of being placed with unsafe carers

THE EXTENT of the failures in the foster care system has been highlighted in an unpublished report which reveals that vulnerable children in the southeast are at risk of being placed with unsafe carers.

This internal audit conducted by the Health Service Executive follows a number of other critical reports which highlighted major problems in childcare in the Dublin and Cork areas.

This latest report, completed in December of last year, found:

No evidence of formal assessments of foster families or Garda clearance in up to a quarter of cases examined, increasing the risk of unsuitable people working as foster carers.

Inadequate state of foster care files and records, which may have legal implications if information is required by the courts.

Failure to comply with national minimum standards over reviews for children in care,
increasing the risk that foster carers are being paid for sub-standard care.

At least 20 per cent of children in foster care without an allocated social worker.

Transactions over some payments to foster carers not being conducted in an accurate or transparent manner.

The auditors noted that an ongoing theme during their discussions was how a lack of
resources was impacting on social workers’ ability to comply with legislation and minimum standards.

In addition, foster carers themselves were frustrated at the lack of support available to them.

“It was evident from our examination of the case files that foster carers continually voice their concerns over such gaps, with a common theme being children in care who have not been allocated a social worker,” the internal audit states.

It also noted a number of control and procedural weaknesses over payments to foster carers. In total, almost €12 million was paid to foster carers in the southeast during 2008. The basic weekly allowance for a foster carer is €325 per child under 12 and €352 for a teenager.

In response to the findings, HSE management told auditors that a fundamental review of all its files was under way to address any shortcomings.

It said a special group had been established to improve the management of childcare files. In addition, management pledged to ensure all policies and procedures would be brought into line with national foster care standards.

A HSE spokeswoman said yesterday that since the audit report was completed, the executive now requires that foster carers undergo preliminary assessments and Garda checks in all cases, including emergency placements.



€3,800 psychiatric report a disgrace, says judge

Conor Gallagher
Wednesday, July 21, 2010

A JUDGE has described as "an absolute disgrace", the €3,800 cost of a psychiatric report for a prisoner who scammed a man of €380.

And separately, a second judge has threatened to refuse certification for any psychiatric reports paid for under the legal aid scheme which he finds to be "premature and unnecessary". 

Dublin Circuit Criminal Court heard a psychiatric report costing €3,800 was ordered for Stephen Mangan, aged 35, of Primrose Gardens, Darndale, who was convicted of scamming a man out of €380 on Ebay and using a computer to make false documents. 

The cost included one session with the man to assess his psychiatric state and was paid for by the state. 

Judge Frank O’Donnell said the report was of no use in deciding a sentence and contained no information that couldn’t have been given to the man’s legal team. 

"These reports are being ordered like confetti at a wedding. They should be informed of my view that there is absolutely nothing in that that assists me whatsoever," the judge said. 

He expressed disbelief when told the cost of the report and that it comprised one session with Mangan. "You’re not serious," he told Cormac Quinn, defending, when told the cost. "That’s an absolute disgrace." 
Mr Quinn said the psychologist spent a considerable amount of time with Mangan and carried out a number of tests. 



A second Circuit Court judge yesterday also spoke against the practice of "prematurely" ordering psychiatric reports paid for under the legal aid scheme. 

Judge Desmond Hogan was speaking at the sentencing of a Nigerian man for possession of just over €2,000 of cocaine. A psychiatric report was handed into court by the man’s defence team which was prepared before evidence had been heard in the case. 
The judge said he found the reports an unnecessary cost to be borne by the state in a lot of cases and had little doubt that the Probation Service could provide an adequate report at little cost.

This story appeared in the printed version of the Irish Examiner Wednesday, July 21, 2010


WHERE WILL IT ALL END?

In the United States 10,667 people have made complaints of child sexual abuse between 1950 and 2002 against 4,392 priests.

81% of the victims were male

22% were younger than the age of 10

51% were between the ages of 11 and 14

27% were between the ages to 15 to 17 years.

One priest, Rev. Murphy, who worked at a renowned school for deaf children from 1950 to 1974, molested over 200 young boys.

Pope Benedict, learned of the accusations, did nothing, and stopped the prosecution of Murphy after he made a personal appeal to the future pope asking for mercy. Murphy was quietly moved to the Diocese of Superior in northern Wisconsin in 1974, where he spent his last 24 years working freely with children in parishes and schools. He died in 1998, still a priest.

News Correspondents discovered a church document kept secret in the Vatican archives for 40 years that explained the secrecy and silence. Written in 1962, it calls for complete secrecy on the subject of cleric sexual abuse, the unspoken rule became written at last. This is part of what it says: "in the most secretive way...restrained by a perpetual silence...and everyone (including the victim) ...is to observe the strictest secret, which is commonly regarded as a secret of the Holy Office...under the penalty of excommunication"

Larry Drivon, a lawyer for child abuse victims, calls this self-condemning text a blueprint for deception. It is an instruction manual on how to deceive and protect paedophiles, and to avoid the truth coming out."

A poll conducted from March 29 to April 1, 2010 found the pope's unfavourable rating jumped to 24 per cent, up from a mere four per cent in 2006, and his favourable rating plummeted to 27 percent.

In Ireland, priests and nuns had terrorized children in Catholic institutions for decades.  Thousands of children were convicted of petty crimes such as skipping school, stealing candy, being the child of an unwed mother, or just being poor, were sent to Catholic-run work houses where beatings, starvation, sexual abuse, humiliation and verbal barrage were epidemics until they were closed in the 1990's. In a thirty six year period alone, 170,000 children spent an average of seven years each in these hell holes. I was one of them.

The Christian Brothers, an Irish order that ran several boys Prisons, had child molesters and sadists on their staff. However, none of the institutions would reveal the names of either victims or predators. On the wider scale of Church abuse in Ireland, priests, nuns, Christian Brothers, Bishops and Cardinals, had the support of politicians, the Police, and the full weight of the state behind them. They still do.

When it came out this year that Cardinal Sean Brady was involved in forcing children to swear an oath not to reveal their sexual abuse to anyone, he refused to resign. Instead he now champions himself as the best protector of children. This was the oath the children were forced to sign:

I will never directly or indirectly, by means of a nod, or of a word, by writing, or in any other way, and under whatever type of pretext, even for the most urgent and most serious cause (even) for the purpose of a greater good, commit anything against this fidelity to the secret, unless dispensation has been expressly given to me by the Supreme Pontiff.

The priest who abused the children went on to abuse many more because of that oath before he was arrested. This is what Brian Cowen, Ireland Prime Minister, said about the whole affair:

"The leadership been given is that clearly it is important that the state maintains its base and the Church maintains its base-it is not a question for the state to get involved in Church matters nor the Church to get involved in state matters"

One bishop said he did not even know the rape and sodomy of children was a crime. This is what he said:

We all considered sexual abuse of children as a moral evil but had no understanding or idea of its criminal nature. It was not necessary to worry about the effects on the youngsters. Either they would not remember or that they would grow out of it.  Archbishop Weakland.

In Germany there have been over 300 accusations of sexual or physical abuse by catholic priests in 18 of the 27 dioceses. Allegations include the abuse of more than 170 children by priests at a Jesuit school and three Catholic schools in Bavaria, and at the prestigious Regensburg Domspatzen school boys’ choir that was directed for 30 years by the Pope's own brother. And then, just this March, Father Peter Hullermann, was convicted of molesting boys during his time in the archdiocese of Munich

A poll stated that almost a fifth of German Catholics have considered leaving the Church because of the abuse and only 17% of Germans now trust the Church as an institution.

In Italy, 67 former students of Antonio Provolo Institute for the Deaf named 24 priests, brothers and lay religious men who they accused of all forms of abuse.

Austria, Switzerland, Belgium, Malta and the Netherlands also Germany, Ireland & USA. 

The numbers continue to rise, there is still State collusion, the cover up goes on, children still suffer, victims still do not have closure.

Where will it all end?

Barry Clifford 

May 2010 


Supreme Court declines to hear Vatican appeal; abuse victims' suit will proceed


June 28, 2010

The US Supreme Court has declined to hear the Vatican’s appeal of an Oregon judge’s decision allowing a sex-abuse victim to proceed with a lawsuit against the Vatican.

The Supreme Court made no decision on the case, and no comment on the merits of the arguments, but simply decided not to add the Vatican’s appeal to the crowded docket of cases to be argued before the high court. The effect of the Supreme Court decision is to send the lawsuit back to the Oregon court for discovery and an eventual trial. The lawsuit has been moving through the courts since 2002.

The Vatican had argued that the case should not proceed, because the Holy See is immune from criticism as a sovereign state. But the judge in the Oregon case ruled that the Foreign Sovereign Immunity Act would not apply if the plaintiff can demonstrate that the priest who abused him was acting as an employee of the Vatican. The judge found—and an appeals court agreed—that there was sufficient evidence to proceed on the basis of that argument. Jeffrey Lena, an attorney representing the Holy See, pointed out that the argument has not yet been resolved, and expressed confidence that the court would eventually recognize that a priest is not a Vatican employee. The plaintiff’s lawyer, the ubiquitous Jeffrey Anderson, thought otherwise; he described the Supreme Court’s inaction as “huge, really huge.”

The Oregon case involves a man who was abused in the 1960s by the late Father Andrew Ronan, who had allegedly been moved to Oregon to escape abuse accusations in his native Ireland.

In a separate legal action, the Vatican has asked a federal judge to reject a plaintiff’s request to take a deposition from Pope Benedict XVI in a Kentucky case. In that case the plaintiff argues that bishops are Vatican employees. Jeffrey Lena, who is representing the Vatican in the Kentucky case as well, said that the plaintiff’s arguments are “speculative confabulations” mixed with conspiracy theories, and points out that thousands of documents provided by the Louisville archdiocese have yielded no evidence of any Vatican effort to cover up abuse.

 
CHILDREN NOT SEEN BY SOCIAL WORKERS FOR 10 YEARS

Children in State care have not had a visit from a social worker for up to 10 years or more.

Record-keeping was so poor that inspectors have had difficulties establishing an accurate number for children in foster care.

There were just over 800 children in foster care in these areas late last year, well over 200 had placements with unapproved foster parents for significant periods or were without care plans.

Children as young as five were placed in supported lodgings designed for older teenage children.

Many files were incomplete, incorrect or just simply missing.

In an internal letter last year, head of HIQA Tracey Cooper warned HSE Chief Executive Brendan Drumm, Health Minister Mary Harney and equally inept man, Barry Andrews that the findings were very serious for children in its care. “These issues give rise to further concern as to how the HSE is able to assure itself that the necessary systems and processes are in place to safeguard and manage the quality and safety of children in care. The HSE has no assurance that the carers are suitable people, children have no opportunity to complain if they are unhappy or unsafe,”

She also warned that the HSE is in breach of at least 10 separate statutory duties relating to childcare standards in the Dublin area alone.

Social-work staff has a statutory responsibility to visit children in foster care at least once every six months. The audit of foster-care files found that during this period of time most children had not been visited for up to four years (223). A further 20 had not received a visit for between five and 10 years or more.

The HSE said “Progress on this is now well under way. The practice of placing children with non-relative unapproved carers has ceased”. Where child-protection concerns existed, the HSE says it has reviewed the cases and taken action.

Now that that is all sorted out what ever happened about those missing or deceased children again……..

Barry Clifford         June   2010


IRELAND SELLS OUT CHILDREN TO INVEST IN BANK

The Daniel McAnaspies and Tracey Fays didn’t matter when we had the money. Let’s stop pretending that they matter when we don’t. 
writes FINTAN O’TOOLE 

WHO CARES whether it’s 23 children who have died in the care of the State or 37 or 200?

Who cares how many Daniel McAnaspies are out there now, illiterate, vulnerable, drifting towards one form of oblivion or another? Of course all of this stuff is terrible and of course it’s a disgrace to our society. But there’s really no point in upsetting ourselves about it.

Anyone who wants a good cry should rent a three-hankie movie. It will be just as effective, and a lot cheaper, than going through the motions of pretending that we, collectively, have the slightest intention of eliminating the conditions in which children die, or are sexually exploited or just grow up without the basic requirements for happiness and self-respect.

There is one incontrovertible truth in this society – money. So consider two sums of money. Last Friday it emerged, almost casually, that the State has put €100 million into the Educational Building Society and intends to put in a further €775 million. There was no debate about this, no cost/benefit analysis, no parliamentary oversight. Sure, €875 million isn’t even a billion and billions are the only currency we recognise nowadays.

So here’s another figure: €15 million. It is the sum total of State funds allocated this year to the implementation of the Ryan commission’s recommendations on the protection of vulnerable children. It will, in theory at least, pay for the employment of an extra 200 social workers to provide a basic out-of-hours service for children at risk. Overall, the Government is committed to spending €25 million on carrying out the Ryan implementation plan. That’s one thirty-fifth of what was pledged to EBS on Friday.

So let’s be honest about this – our collective capacity for outrage at the treatment of children is extremely limited and very hard to sustain. We know, for example, that 47 children who arrived in Ireland as “unaccompanied minors” went missing from the care of the HSE last year. Since 2000, a total of 501 such children have gone missing and just 67 have been traced.

Or consider another stark figure. Last year, 155 children were admitted to adult psychiatric units because there were no other facilities available for them. This barbaric practice would have us up in arms if we learned about it in a TV documentary about Albania or Iran. Or here’s another figure: between 800 and 1,000 kids every year don’t even make it from primary school to secondary school. But such things barely flit across our collective consciousness.

Why not? Because if we were to take them seriously, we would have to spend money to do something about them. If we were to sustain our sense of shock and sorrow when another kid dies in State care or gets placed in an adult psychiatric ward or disappears into a brothel or drifts into homelessness, drug abuse and prison, we would have to pay a price. Giving kids a chance is an expensive undertaking. It is a labour-intensive and long-term business. Some improvements in services could undoubtedly be achieved by better management or more co-ordination. But the hard reality is that services are chaotic because we don’t spend enough on them.

And this is not just true of crisis childcare. We know that one of the key things that gives kids from difficult backgrounds a decent chance in life is early childhood education. But we won’t spend the money on it. We give it 0.2 per cent of GDP, compared to the EU average of 0.5 per cent.

And conversely, when money has to be saved, kids are always in the front line. Cuts in welfare payments, in educational supports and in health provision have been disproportionately aimed at children. Having failed in its stated aims of eliminating child poverty during the boom years, the Government is now knowingly increasing it. The cuts in payments to one-parent families slipped through on Friday by Éamon Ó Cuív, for example, will have a direct impact on children in their teenage years.

The reality is that, in order to protect the most vulnerable children and to give those in poor families a decent chance, we would have to expand the State. We would have to employ more social workers, develop more sheltered accommodation, invest more in early education and support families who are struggling. But that in turn would have profound implications for the direction of Government policy. It would make it impossible to find the resources for what has been identified as the national priority money for institutions like EBS.

We are fooling ourselves if we think that anything beyond basic crisis management is on the cards for children at risk – not just this year or next year but for the next 10 years. The decisions have been made, the priorities identified. We know where the very limited resources this State can mobilise will be going, and it’s not towards the Daniel McAnaspies and Tracey Fays of this world.

They didn’t matter when we had the money. Let’s stop pretending that they matter when we don’t.

Irish Times   I June    2010

SOCIAL WELFARE CLAIMANTS TO SIGN ON BY TEXT

By Stephen Rogers
Friday, May 28, 2010

JUST a year after it said social welfare recipients should produce photo ID because it was losing millions in fraudulent claims, the Government is planning to let
claimants "sign on" by text.

In a move which Fine Gael TDs say will leave the system wide open to fraud, the Department for Social Protection has awarded a €1m contract to Hewlett Packard in Kildare to
"develop and support a mobile phone-based solution for dynamic selection of and self-certification by claimants of unemployment benefits".

To qualify for jobseeker’s benefit or jobseeker’s allowance, a jobseeker must fulfil a number of conditions, including being available for and genuinely seeking work. At regular intervals they must make a declaration that they are still unemployed, available for and actively seeking work.

At present this certification process is done by attending the social welfare local office. However, the department’s new project "examines the potential to develop an additional channel for Jobseeker’s certification via the mobile phone".

It said selected customers would be invited to register for and avail of this service, which would be rolled out on a phased basis, once a "solution performance evaluation" process has been
completed.

"This service will potentially allow people who receive Jobseeker’s Allowance and Jobseeker’s Benefit to complete the certification process by mobile phone," a spokeswoman said.

"Potentially the service will provide an alternative to the requirement for Jobseeker’s Allowance and Jobseeker’s Benefit claimants to attend their Social Welfare Local Office to certify and it will provide improved customer service and also
reduce the departmental resources required to administer certification."

Cost savings would accrue from reducing the effort required to certify jobseekers at the department’s local offices, meaning staff would be freed to concentrate on client, claim, payment and control issues. However, Fine Gael’s social and family affairs spokes-woman Olwyn Enright said the proposed scheme left "huge room" for fraud, for example
claiming while not even in the country.

"Why did they bother changing the legislation so that new people have to sign on and be visible?"

Last year a spot check found up to 10% of dole claims were fraudulent – mostly made by, or in the name of, people living outside of Ireland. At the time it was decided photographic identification would be required of the growing number of people collecting the dole and other social welfare payments.

Hewlett Packard has refused to comment on the new scheme.

This story appeared in the printed version of the Irish Examiner Friday, 
May 28, 2010



TIME TO RECLAIM LAW FROM LEGAL PRIESTHOOD

VINCENT BROWNE 

The way in which the people’s laws are framed makes them a plaything of the legal classes.

THE VERY last Act passed by the Oireachtas, which is available on the Irish Statute website, is the Petroleum (Exploration and Extraction) Safety Act 2010.

Section 3 of this Act states (please bear with me, for there is a point to this excruciation):

“The Act of 1999 is amended (a) in section 2(1) by inserting the following definition after the definition of “natural gas undertaking”: “ ‘petroleum undertaking’ has the meaning given to it by section 13A(1);” (b) in section 6 by inserting the following after subsection (2): “(3) Proceedings for an offence under Part IIA of this Act committed in any part of – (a) the licensed area (within the meaning of section 13A) to which subparagraph (i) or (ii), or both, of paragraph (a) of the definition of ‘licensed area’ relates, or( b) a designated area, may be taken, and the offence may for all incidental purposes be treated, as having been committed in any place in the State.”, (c) by inserting the following section after section 9K: “Functions of Commission under Part IIA relating to petroleum safety. 9L. – In addition to the functions conferred on it by section 9, the Commission has the functions specified in Part IIA relating to petroleum safety.”, (d) by inserting the following Part after Part II: (and more of the same)”.

Could any normal person understand this? Even someone afflicted with a qualification in law? It is not intended to be intelligible to anybody but legal nerds, who have a vested interest in such intelligibility, for it provides them with an income and a status.

Isn’t there something odd that the laws, by which we govern ourselves, are largely incomprehensible to us, the people, in whose name the laws are enacted? Actually it is even worse than that, for many (most?) of the laws are incomprehensible to the elected representatives who enact them and to whom we subcontract our self-government. Worse still, we have a legal priesthood who divine what it is we have meant by the Acts passed in our name, and what it is our grandfathers and grandmothers meant by the Constitution, enacted 73 years ago. And this priesthood expresses itself in language and at such length that the majority of the self-governing people could not possibly understand.

We supposedly live in a democratic society, in which the people are the sovereign power. Not the government, not the President, not any monarch, nor any priest or cardinal, nor any of the legal priesthood dressed up in Gilbert and Sullivan costumes, or even the ones not so dressed up (the latter are called solicitors and wear dark suits and waistcoats, often with a silk handkerchief flopping out of their top pocket, as a status accessory).

Ten years ago the Law Reform Commission published Report on Statutory Drafting and Interpretation: Plain Language and the Law. It recommended the use of plain language in Acts of the Oireachtas (“sentences should be as close to common English usage as possible”), no sentences being longer than 23 words, and avoidance of Latin or French phrases and words and of other obscure formulations.

They might also have insisted that when a previous Act is being amended, the wording of the previous section is published followed the wording of the proposed amendment, so that any normal person (in this instance “normal person” includes judges and lawyers) can understand clearly what is being done.

Which brings us to judgments of the High Court, and particularly of the Supreme Court. In literary terms, these judgments have got worse since the invention and use of dictation devices. It is obvious that many judgments are dictated, and little effort is made subsequently to edit and make sense of the resultant transcripts.

There was a judgment of the Supreme Court issued a few months ago in a case on whether Portmarnock golf club could be deprived of their drinking licence because they excluded women from membership of the club. One of the judgments in this case, that of Adrian Hardiman, ran to 20,625 words. Had he been required to read the judgment, as used to be the practice on the Supreme Court, it would have taken him almost two hours (at 180 words a minute). It was replete with lengthy extracts from previous judgments of the court, in one instance a lengthy passage repeated verbatim. There were protracted diversions into other areas to accommodate swipes at various targets, including a Canadian judge.

Why is it then that we go along with the codology of the legal mumbo-jumbo in which our laws are enacted and in which our legal priesthood expresses itself at such enormous length? If the laws are ours and the legal priesthood constitutes the interpreters of the law and the Constitution, how is it that it is OK for the laws and the interpretations of them to turn out to be so inaccessible to the sovereign people?

At the heart of this, of course, is a contempt for the populace – the sovereign power – although the formal language defers rhetorically every now and again to the ideal of democracy. The contempt is founded on the presumption that the law actually is the plaything of lawyers.

We should not have it.

IRISH TIMES     May  2010



CHURCH DEMANDS €2m FEES FROM NATIONAL SCHOOLS 

Cash-strapped principals must pay new €2m charge

By Katherine Donnelly

Thursday May 20 2010

CATHOLIC primary schools are furious after being hit with a new €2m-per-year demand for money from the church.

Cash-strapped principals say that, instead of the church subsidising them, they are now being asked to subsidise the church.

The new request for cash has come from the Catholic Primary School Management Agency or CPSMA.

The body offers a management support service to almost 3,000 primary schools run by the Catholic Church.

The CPSMA has advised schools of a new annual membership fee, which they are expected to pay by the end of the month for the current school year.

The move comes at a time when the Catholic Church itself is under considerable financial pressure, attracting smaller congregations.

It is facing substantial payouts to abuse victims, particularly in the wake of the Ryan Report into clerical sex abuse which was published a year ago this week.

But the CPSMA's demand for money has sparked outrage among school communities, who are furious at the scale of the fees, and the lack of consultation.

Schools are already struggling to make ends meet in the face of education cutbacks -- and will now pay up to €4.75 per pupil to the church every year. They already have to fundraise and seek contributions from parents to top up state funding.

There are also murmurings of discontent in local diocesan offices, which are the traditional funding link between the church and its schools.

School leaders say the new CPSMA requirement turns on its head traditional funding arrangements between the Catholic Church and its primary schools.

But CPSMA secretary general, Eileen Flynn, said they needed to fund a more professional service for its schools.

There are 3,200 primary schools in Irelandmand 92pc are run by the Catholic Church, with the remainder Protestant or non-denominational.

The CPSMA has recently recruited two extra staff and has 22,000 volunteers on boards of management.

The new fees amount to €325 for a school with 100 pupils or fewer, €475 for a school with 101 to 250 pupils, €675 for a 251-400 pupil school, and €875 for those with 401 pupils or more.

Based on that scale of fees, the annual value of the combined contribution from the Catholic primary schools would be in excess of €2m.

The CPSMA said its services to schools have been greatly expanded and that it now relies on membership fees from boards of management to defray the costs of providing those services.

In a circular to primary schools, it said it would be appreciated if payment by cheque could by made by the end of the month.

Ms Flynn said the CPSMA was not a profit-making organisation and their purpose was to deliver a service to schools and to break even. She said while the new fee represented a change from past practice, the situation "has changed in the past five years" and they had to deal with issues such as employment legislation.

"We are talking about volunteers trying to run organisations, work that they are doing very well. In order to do that, they need support," she said.

Control

Boards of management in Catholic schools operate under the control of the bishops and the local parish priest is usually the chairperson.

Catholic schools used to receive funding from the local parish to help meet running costs, but it stopped within the past decade. At one stage it amounted to about 25pc of costs, but then changed to a per-pupil rate of about €10, subsequently reduced to about €6 or €7. There was also a former practice of schools paying a fee of 50c to €1 per pupil to the CPSMA, to fund its work as the patron body.

However, principals said that it was erratic, and while some schools paid the fee, others did not. Some had it paid on their behalf out of parish or diocesan funds. In recent years, fewer schools paid it because of funding difficulties.

One principal last night said that the new request for money was "a very heavy-handed top-down request for money from the church. Up to a number of years ago, the church paid money into schools, now they want schools to pay the church."

Another principal said: "We cannot afford to take a financial hit like this. No money has ever gone out of my board of management to the CPSMA, nor am I aware of many other schools where that is the case, and now I am being asked for €675."

- Katherine Donnelly

Irish Independent



SLIGO (BANADA) WOMEN IN DUBLIN ABUSE PROTEST

 
A group of Sligo women from the south Sligo village of Banada marched in a Dublin protest yesterday. The demonstration was organised by Fire and Ice, (now www.childaware.net) an abuse victims’ support group. The group is campaigning for justice and compensation for clerical and state abuse victims and survivors.

Rosemary Henry, who travelled with a group of six women from Banada said the pope’s letter would do little good.

You can’t undo what’s been done to the majority of people standing here at this point in time,” she said.

The protest group have demanded that the Residential Institutions Redress Act, 2002, to be deemed unconstitutional, adversarial and unjust.

They have also called for all victims to have a say in how trust funds or compensation funds are dispersed. They want pensions to be provided to all victims and emergency funding for extreme cases.

According to a report in the Irish Times, the demonstrators, numbering fewer than 100, marched from the Pro-Cathedral to the Dáil, where they also tied pairs of children’s shoes to the railings. They had travelled from many parts of the country and from Britain.

Some spoke of the treatment they experienced when they attended the redress board. They complained of the adversarial nature of the hearings and the confidentiality agreement they had to accept to get compensation.

Others talked about their reactions to the pope’s pastoral letter on sexual abuse in the Catholic Church in Ireland, issued at the weekend. Organiser Barry Clifford, who spent 10 years in an industrial school, said the Act on which the board was founded was unconstitutional. He also called for a permanent register of sex offenders, greater penalties for convicted paedophiles and education around child abuse to be included in the school curriculum.

Further protests are planned.

Sligo News



 
ARTICLE SAYS INDEMNITY WAS UNCONSTITUTIONAL
Patsy McGarry

2002 AGREEMENT: THE INDEMNITY element of the 2002 agreement between the State and the 18 religious congregations which ran institutions for children was unconstitutional, according to an article in the latest edition of the Irish Law Times .

Titled; The Congregational Indemnity Agreement: An Unconstitutional Endowment of Religion , it is written by Eoin Daly, a PhD candidate at the faculty of law in UCC and a Government of Ireland research scholar in the humanities and social sciences.

He writes that the indemnity offended Article 44.2.2 of the Constitution, which states that “the State guarantees not to endow any religion”.

In 2002, and in exchange for contributing €128 million in cash and property to a State redress scheme for former residents of the institutions, the 18 congregations were indemnified by the State until the end of 2005 against any legal actions taken against them by the former residents.

December 15th, 2005, was the deadline for receipt of applications from former residents of institutions run by the 18 religious congregations at the Residential Institutions Redress Board.

On foot of the indemnity, €745,000 compensation was awarded by the High Court against the State following actions by three former residents of St Joseph’s orphanage in Kilkenny. It was run by the Sisters of Charity.

Mr Daly argues that “since this constitutional prohibition on the endowment of religion appears to prevent the State from subsidising a religious body, in whatever form, other than for a purpose which is constitutionally mandated, it must be interpreted as precluding a State indemnity for the liabilities of a religious body”.

He continues that “the Constitution cannot be read as mandating, implicitly or otherwise, an indemnity for liabilities of religious bodies which the State would otherwise not bear”.

Article 44.2.2 “must be interpreted as preventing the State from bestowing financial largesse upon favoured religious bodies, in whatever form; the congregational indemnity must be considered equivalent to a subsidy for religious bodies, and therefore as constitutionally unsound”

He says that “the aim of guaranteeing compensation to abuse victims is of course a legitimate one, but it does not necessitate an indemnity for those bearing liability for abuse”.

25 March 2010



CHILDREN IN CARE

By Edel Kennedy

Monday May 24 2010

WHILE Daniel McAnaspie was lying murdered in a drain, the Health Service Executive was busy juggling numbers.

In March, it threw the balls up in the air and came up with 20. But then it juggled a little more and settled on 23.

And when McAnaspie's body was found this month, it had to push that figure to 24.

But to date nobody knows how many children have died while in State care because the HSE has not added up the numbers.

The discrepancy in the numbers from the body charged with caring for vulnerable children worried Children's Minister Barry Andrews and he launched a review of the deaths of children in care.

Yesterday, reports indicated the figure could be as high as 200.

On March 8, Mr Andrews appointed Geoffrey Shannon, the rapporteur on child protection, and Norah Gibbons, director of advocacy with Barnardos, to the independent group.

Although given a deadline of six months, the review group is still waiting to begin its work because the HSE has yet not compiled a final list of deaths.

The group has been asked to examine existing information on deaths of children in care.

Information

In relation to children other than those who died from natural causes, they will examine existing reports completed by the HSE and, based upon this information, provide an overall report.

It will provide information on each child and the circumstances leading up to their death, and examine the State's involvement in their care.


The setting up of the review was announced just days after
FINE GAEL leaked a report into the death of TRACY FAY
, who was just 14 when she was taken into the care of the then
Eastern Health Board. She died on the streets of Dublin in January 2002 after a drugs overdose.

Mr Andrews insisted the damning report was not suppressed and said the leaking of the report was "carefully choreographed to cause embarrassment".

A number of other children who died while in care have also reached the headlines over the years.

David Foley (17), Kim O'Donovan (15), Michelle Bray (14), Danny Talbot (19), Melissa Mahon (14) and Daniel McAnaspie (17) all died while in the care of the HSE.

When setting up the review group the minister asked the HSE to provide a list of all relevant cases at the earliest possible date.

However, yesterday he confirmed to the Irish Independent that he has not yet received an update from the HSE.

Irish Independent

 

SO LONG SNIVELLER
By Eamonn Sweeney


I could never warm to Bertie Ahern. Or maybe it would be more correct to say that I simply didn’t get him. The Taoiseach’s appeal, like that of the novels of Michael Ondaatje and the films of Arnold Schwarzenegger, seemed absolutely mysterious. The charisma, warmth and intelligence of the man, so obvious to the nation’s political journalists, just weren’t apparent to me. I had come to wonder if this was a fault in myself and if perhaps our emperor really was decked out in a resplendent suit of new clothes.

Today, I don’t feel so alone. Because, over the past year or so, a great many people’s feelings about Bertie Ahern have progressed from affection through ambivalence to outright antipathy. This is something Bertie brought upon himself. It resulted not from what the Mahon tribunal revealed about the Taoiseach but from what the man revealed about himself in response.

It took just a little bit of pressure for the mask to come off and reveal a Bertie very unlike the easy-going media cliche of yore. When the heat came on, the Taoiseach resorted to three main modes of address: the sneer, the snivel and the snarl.

The sneer has never been far from Bertie Ahern’s lips, but this tendency became more and more pronounced. His outrageous statement likening those who complained about the state of the Irish economy to the suicidally depressed was one example.

The snarl got its big outing on the night of the general election count when he stormed into the RTE studios and decided to lambast the media for reporting on the financial irregularities revealed by the tribunal. A bigger man might have regarded the hour of victory as a time to be gracious, but Bertie behaved as though the electorate had not just voted him back into office but had voted the judiciary and the journalists out of their jobs. Looking at it, you couldn’t help feeling that there must be worse to come in the tribunals if the Taoiseach still felt the need to be scoring points. Who knows what would have happened had he been contrite instead of confrontational? It was a moment when he could have come clean and survived. Instead, he behaved like a man spoiling for a fight when that was the very last thing he wanted.

However, it was neither the sneer nor the snarl that defined Bertie’s final months in office, but the snivel, something at which he proved himself a virtuoso, rendering himself pathetic in a manner never approached by any previous Taoiseach.

The snivelling began with the infamous Brian Dobson interview. Bertie might have opted to tackle this in the manner of Roy Keane being quizzed by Tommy Gorman. Instead, he opted for the Princess-Diana- meets-Martin-Bashir approach. Generations yet unborn will cringe at the sight of a grown man attempting to give the impression that he’s on the verge of tears. The Taoiseach did everything except put his hand up to his eyes to check for moisture. This was how he was going to play it.

There was a precedent for this kind of ignoble tomfoolery. When Ray Burke first came under serious scrutiny for the way he did business, the Dublin North man turned on the waterworks in the Dail, bringing his dead father into it and bravely rebutting allegations nobody had ever made against him. The initial response from the political correspondents was that Burke had saved his political life with a masterly performance. They changed their minds when it became clear that the public reaction to this oratorical tour de force was that it would have made a dog laugh. The oul’ gra mo chroi shite didn’t save Ray Burke.

It didn’t save Bertie Ahern either. But the Dobson debacle set a pattern for the way in which the Taoiseach would defend himself against every allegation. He would, to be blunt about it, hide behind women. It wasn’t a particularly manly thing to do and it committed Bertie to the snivel rather than the sneer or the snarl, but presumably someone thought it was a tactical masterstroke.

Initially, the Taoiseach sheltered behind his wife and daughters. References to his marital difficulties almost seemed designed to give the impression that he had been going round with the begging bowl because his wife had skinned him in the separation settlement. Perhaps it was an entirely accidental outcome, but this was the excuse hinted at by many of the Taoiseach’s backers in the media when it looked as though our hero might still spring free with one mighty bound.

It certainly won Bertie a lot of sympathy from the kind of self-pitying men obsessed with the cupidity of women who insist on getting a few quid to look after themselves and their children. One of the characteristics of these sorry souls is their persistent demand for gratitude from the recipients of their largesse. This could be called Look How Good I Am To You Syndrome. He mightn’t have meant it, but it was Bertie who made his separation the stuff of public gossip.

There were more women to hide behind. He made the suggestion that some of the money being called into question had been left to him by his dead mother. When it emerged that Celia Larkin had been given €30,000 of what were supposedly party funds to buy a house, Celia’s elderly aunts were deployed as human shields, with the suggestions that all these inquiries were making life unbearable for the old dears. Grainne Carruth was not the only person to be placed between Bertie and trouble as he acted like a B-movie burglar warning the coppers that if they come any close they would end up shooting the innocent woman in front of him.

The problem was that Grainne Carruth moved out of the firing line and, in doing so, gave the lawmen a clear shot at Big Bad Bert. This was not how that encounter was supposed to play out. I’d have a wild guess that Bertie may even have thought that the questioning of his former secretary would be to the tribunal’s detriment. Look at what they did, his supporters could say. They made a woman cry: finally, the tribunals have gone too far. Let’s wind them up and not ask any more awkward questions.

Unfortunately, people tend to grow impatient with the Sniveller and his perpetual cry of, “Look what they’re after doing to me.” It wasn’t the tribunal people blamed for Grainne Carruth’s tears, but Bertie. Our hero had sheltered behind one woman too many.

There was a fascinating insight into how Bertie felt the scenario should have played out in an excellent interview by Aengus Fanning in this paper a few weeks back. You might have thought that divesting the burdens of office would have left Bertie free to move out of Sniveller mode. Not a bit of it. He caterwauled on about the fact that Ms Carruth is a mother of three, though why this information was in any way germane, nobody knows. And he declared the questioning to have been particularly unforgivable because it took place on Holy Thursday . . .


It’s not the first time Bertie has brought religion into an argument, something which should give pause to those deluded liberals who believed that the fact of the Taoiseach being shacked up with his former secretary was some kind of bold gesture against the hegemony of the Catholic Church rather than a purely personal decision. Whether it was sanctioning a deal that allowed the Church to escape paying its fair share to the victims of institutional abuse or droning on about his connections to All Hallows, Bertie was never slow to wrap the papal flag around himself.

The most revealing part of the interview came when, after Bertie had banged on about how sorry he felt for Grainne Carruth, he was asked if he’d seen her since the ordeal. No, he said, I haven’t had the time. No? Really? Quelle surprise.

It’s interesting how few people have sought to portray the Taoiseach’s downfall in a tragic light. (Except for himself. Do you think all his ministers really did cry when they heard he was resigning? It sounds to me like someone’s been reading too many of his daughter’s books. Next, he’ll be telling us he cheered them up by bringing them shopping, cracking open a few bottles of lambrusco and singing I Will Survive while dancing around Mary Harney’s handbag.) It wasn’t tragedy but farce: the whole caper was far too cheap to be tragedy.

That cheapness was most evident in Bertie’s inability to depart the scene with any modicum of dignity. Even Charlie Haughey was able to summon up some form of gravitas when he had to fall on his sword. By contrast, Bertie snivelled as he went. You had the description of the tribunal as indulging in “low life stuff.” Better again, you had the unconscious comedy of the Taoiseach wittering on about the fact that Grainne Carruth was paid very little money. Well, old son, you were her boss. Perhaps if you hadn’t given Celia that thirty grand there might have been a few bob to pay Grainne Carruth. It’s just a thought.

There was more. He affected to find great significance in the fact that the act governing the conduct of tribunals was actually “a British law”. You almost expected him to suggest MI5 had put it on the statute books in the hope of snaring an as yet unborn Taoiseach. This kind of childish anglophobia was bad enough coming from Bertie’s old mentor CJH, but coming from a man who probably owed his re-election to the big deal his followers made out of his House of Commons speech it was downright ungrateful.

The “British law”, he explained, came from a time when the little man couldn’t get justice in this country. Good old Bertie, leader of the country and still thinking of himself as a little man. Because when you’re a Sniveller, you’ll always see yourself as the underdog. And you’ll reach for anything that might protect you from your pursuers. It’s not just that famous suit that was yellow.

There were also complaints that Enda Kenny had been insufficiently gracious in wishing Bertie all the best in the future. Ungracious? Hang on a second and I’ll give you ungracious. Bertie only became leader of Fianna Fail because Albert Reynolds resigned after inadvertently misleading the Dail. In the light of his successor’s behaviour, it’s questionable whether Albert should have resigned at all. The Longford man had the unusual distinction for a Fianna Fail leader of having perhaps been too scrupulous.

Soon afterwards, Albert sought the Fianna Fail presidential nomination. Had he got it, he would have been elected to the office and given a just reward for a decent, if truncated, time as Taoiseach. Instead, Bertie and his allies shafted him and gave the nomination to Mary McAleese. Not a lot of grace there, and not a lot of gratitude. Bertie will hope he is treated a bit better by his own successor. He probably will be, because there’s no sign so far that Brian Cowen subscribes to the particular Dublin Fianna Fail model of politics whose most notable contemporary practitioners were Ray Burke in the North, the late Liam Lawlor in the West and Bertie Ahern in the centre. They were more than Charlie Haughey’s supporters, they were his disciples.


One positive aspect of the downfall is that we won’t be burdened further by the repetition of that Haughey quote about his factotum being “the most cunning and the most devious of them all”. It was always a stupid quote anyway, used as though it was to Bertie’s credit when the abiding lesson of the CJ era should have been that cunning and deviousness are qualities Irish politics has been disfigured by for too long.

In the end, it turned out not to be true. Confronted by the tribunal, Bertie was neither cunning nor devious enough. Instead, he looked sleazy, slippery, slimy and completely incompetent. Day after day, the news told us that the Taoiseach had endured a bad day at the tribunal as new inconsistencies emerged in evidence. It was all a bit like Whack A Mole, the game where the more you strike the titular animals on the head with a mallet, the quicker others pop up on different parts of the board. You almost wished Bertie would have just one good day, one day when a witness turned up to confirm that he had at least been telling the unvarnished truth about something.

Even those of us who were sceptical about the Manchester dig-out story couldn’t have imagined the bad turns the tribunal would take for the Taoiseach. Anyone who’d suggested back then that Bertie had probably sanctioned the handing over of party money so his girlfriend could buy a house would have been derided as the crudest kind of conspiracy theorist. When all this started out, no-one could have imagined that Bertie operated a private account in his constituency, imagined the amounts of money involved or how blatantly ridiculous some of his explanations would prove to be. And, let’s face it, there’s probably worse to come.

It was striking how, as time went by, the Taoiseach didn’t even bother giving explanations for the money that was being uncovered. Haughey, you felt sure, would have ducked and dived a bit better. He’d certainly have shown a bit more fight. Then again, for all his faults, Bertie’s old mentor was not a Sniveller.

The problem with Snivelling is that it puts you on the defensive. The “look at what these terrible people are doing to me” gambit only works as long as people feel sorry for you. When the sympathy wears out, as it invariably does, noble suffering begins to look like self pity.

The worst thing for Bertie is that his behaviour is going to look a lot worse as we enter a recession. Because when everyone was riding high on the hog it was easier to blink an eye at politicians who put the paw out to developers and businessmen. It will be different when recession bites.

One of the articles of faith of the right-wing economic creed espoused by Bertie and his government is that people have to look after themselves and not expect others to bail them out. It is a noble thing, this code of sturdy self-reliance, and we were assured after the last election that members of “the Coping Classes” had kept Fianna Fail in power.

Which is an irony, because if there’s one thing Bertie is not, it’s a member of the Coping Classes. Whatever story you believe, one thing is indisputable. When Bertie ran into a few financial problems he put the paw out and accepted donations left, right and centre. Some of these people were allegedly his friends and some of them were businessmen who simply liked giving their money away for no reason. Bertie took it all. Even when he had a great deal of money in the bank, he was still collecting the loot.


This runs counter to everything modern Ireland is supposed to be about. Because the Coping Classes are not a myth. They exist and their core belief is that you pay your own way and don’t look for favours. They deserve better than to be represented by politicians who have taken the exact opposite attitude for most of their careers, people who don’t pay their way if they can get someone else to do it. To this class Bertie belongs, to the political class that fastened their fangs into the necks of their victims and sucked for dear life. It was a miserable existence for a miserable bunch of bastards.

In reality, the taking of that money is itself a form of corruption. For all the talk of Bertie’s great empathy with the plain people of Ireland, he wasn’t one of them. Because if property prices keep going down and unemployment continues to rise, the plain people of Ireland will be on their own. There will be no one handing us big sums of cash. That’s how we live our lives. That it’s not how our Taoiseach lived his was his shame and his downfall. He couldn’t fool us forever. The plain people of Ireland are not plain stupid.

As Bertie snivelled his way into imminent obscurity, he declared that his great regret was not to have built a national stadium. No, you heard him right. He’s not losing any sleep over the state of the health service, public transport or education, he’s miffed that he didn’t get to build a white elephant no one asked for and no one’s felt the lack of since. It’s not surprising we don’t have a contemporary equivalent of Scrap Saturday. Bertie made satire redundant.

Goodbye Sniveller. And good riddance!
PS: This great article was written 18 months before the truth and reality of Ireland's economy was laid bare. Of course by then Bertie had left the building and we got someone called Biffo to take his place

Barry Clifford     April 2010


CHILD ABUSE IS ABOUT POWER
THE IRISH TIMES

Saturday, April 17, 2010

     The truth is that child abuse and
     cover-up are not primarily about
     religion or sex. They are about power
.

Fintan O'Toole

There is a word that became current towards the cigarette end of the Northern Ireland conflict, when evil had been reduced to banalities. An atrocity against one community would often be met on the other side, not with either outright support or condemnation but with “what-aboutery”. Yes, some would shrug, this is terrible but what about Bloody Sunday? What about Enniskillen? What about Cromwell?
That this form of moral evasion had its very own name was a mark of how pitiful and desperate it was. Even those who engaged in it knew that it was a last refuge. When the indefensible could not be defended, the only remaining strategy was to present the perpetrators as victims, and those who criticised atrocities as hypocrites.

As evidenced by this week’s attempt by Pope Benedict’s right-hand man, Cardinal Tarcisio Bertone, to blame homosexuals for the crisis in the church, what-aboutery is now the mainstay of the Vatican’s response to the continuing revelation of its global strategy of covering up the abuse of children by priests.

For a short period leading up to the issuing of Pope Benedict’s pastoral letter to the Irish faithful last month, the Vatican seemed to be inching towards some tentative reflection on its own moral responsibility for the protection of abusers. But as the flood of allegations has risen ever closer to the Pope’s own door, humility has been replaced by an aggressive backlash.

The church leadership has now adopted a three-fold strategy: blame the victims; invoke anti-Catholic persecution; and identify modernity as the root of the problem. Benedict himself began the process of blaming the victims in his Palm Sunday sermon when he spoke of not allowing oneself to be “intimidated by the petty gossip of dominant opinion”. This was not an accidental or thoughtless phrase. It was directly echoed on Easter Sunday by Cardinal Angelo Sodano, former Vatican secretary of state and currently dean of the College of Cardinals.

He urged Benedict not to be dismayed by “the petty gossip of the moment, by the trials that sometimes assail the community of believers”. In one magisterial phrase, the stories of those who were attacked as children and the demands for accountability are dismissed as malicious tittle-tattle.

The next step of painting the church leadership, not as powerful people with questions to answer, but as innocent victims of persecution, was taken by the preacher to the papal household, Fr Raniero Cantalamessa.

Showing that no strategy is too tasteless to be deployed, he cited a letter from a “Jewish friend”, comparing attacks on the church’s record on child abuse to the more shameful aspects of anti-Semitism”. Cantalamessa himself linked demands for accountability in the church to the “herd psychology” and the search for a scapegoat through which “the weakest element, the different one” is victimised. The ironies in this exercise in self-pity are almost beyond satire.

Redefining the Pope, his cardinals and his bishops as the “weakest” members of society would be peculiar in any context. But in the context of child abuse, it is grotesque. And claiming the status of “the different one”, the outsider who suffers from stereotyping and discrimination, is a bit rich for a church that is happy to perpetuate, as Bertone did this week, the vile stereotype that identifies homosexuality and paedophilia.

If the church insists on drawing analogies with anti-Semitism, it might be well advised to avoid the subject of its attitudes to gay people altogether.

Underlying all of this, however, is a more considered strategy of constructing an intellectual framework within which an official narrative of the crisis can emerge. That narrative is self-consciously reactionary. The church was fine when it had authority in society. That authority was challenged by liberalism, free thinking and sexual openness, and paedophilia is the result.

In his pastoral letter to Irish Catholics, Benedict could not have been more explicit about this. He urged the faithful to understand the crisis as a consequence of “new and serious challenges to the faith arising from the rapid transformation and secularisation of Irish society”.

“Fast-paced social change has occurred, often adversely affecting people’s traditional adherence to Catholic teaching and values.”

As an explanation for paedophile priests and for the abysmal institutional response to their crimes, this bears hardly a moment’s scrutiny.

In the Irish context alone, we know from the Ryan report that systematic child abuse by Catholic brothers, priests and nuns goes back at the very least to the 1930s and almost certainly beyond. We know from the Murphy report that “there is a two thousand year history of Biblical, Papal and Holy See statements showing awareness of clerical child sex abuse . . . it is clear that cases were dealt with by Archbishop McQuaid in the 1950s and 1960s”.

And even if one were to accept the highly dubious contention that paedophile priests are a result of the move towards greater sexual openness from the 1960s onwards, how would that explain the most damaging aspect of the scandal – the cover-up by bishops and the Vatican?

These strategies may be as desperate as they are clumsily evasive. But they are arguably necessary to the survival of the church’s current power structures. For if the organised cover-up of child abuse is not about petty gossip, not about victimising a defenceless Pope and not about secular modernity, what is it about? This is a question to which Benedict cannot give an honest answer because that answer would threaten the very system he embodies.

Some liberal critics of the church often fail to answer the question, too. They may blame Catholicism itself, as if other belief systems did not end up justifying vile crimes. They may blame celibacy, as if the vast majority of attacks on children were not perpetrated by non-celibates – often, indeed, by the child’s own parents. The truth is that child abuse and cover-up are not primarily about religion or sex. They are about power. The bleak lessons of human history are that those who have too much power will abuse it. And that organisations will put their own interests above those of the victims.

The behavouir of the institutional Catholic church in Ireland and around the world is certainly a stark example of both of these truths. But it is not the only example, even in contemporary Ireland. The Irish Amateur Swimming Association, for example, gave coaches the power to do what they liked to children and then engaged in a process of denial that was, albeit on a much smaller scale, essentially the same as that of the bishops.

The problem is not swimming, any more than it is Catholicism. It is power.

The church’s combination of temporal authority, spiritual control and a closed, internal hierarchy created the power that corrupted it. The backlash of the past few weeks has merely confirmed what was already overwhelmingly likely: that Benedict is entirely incapable of grasping this reality, let alone altering it. He has spent much of his career crushing dissent and rolling back the anti-hierarchical spirit of Vatican 2. His solution, as he suggested in his pastoral letter, is more of the same – more obedience, more authority, more resistance to secular modernity.

Those who looked to the Pope to respond to one of the most profound crises in the history of the church now know they will have to look elsewhere.



RETIRED BISHOP - GEOFFREY ROBINSON AND ABUSE
18 April 2010

Retired bishop Geoffrey Robinson says that the absence of women from church life has fuelled the paedophile crisis

In an interview Mr Robinson says boys suffered more than girls at the hands of paedophile priests partly because they were more available to them.

There was also a view among some offenders with whom he had worked that a priest's celibacy vows weren't broken if a boy was involved.

"We've met it often enough to see it as a factor," he tells the magazine. "That's what the vow of celibacy refers to, being married. If it's not an adult woman, then somehow they're not breaking their vow."




DE FACTO FAMILY NOT RECOGNISED IN IRELAND

The High Court ruled on Wednesday that an unmarried father could not contest the removal of his children to England by their mother, as he had not sought guardianship of them in the District Court.

The existence of a “de facto” family is not recognised in Irish law.


More than two years ago the High Court did give recognition to a “de facto” family, stating that an unmarried couple and their children constituted family life under the European Convention on Human Rights, and that this deserved protection. In that case the court ruled that “Mr G” was entitled to seek the return of his children to Ireland after they were removed by their mother without his consent. However, Mr G had sought guardianship of the children through the District Court, and the children were removed while these proceedings were under consideration. The court had rights under the Hague Convention on Child Abduction and this made their removal unlawful.

Then last December the Supreme Court ruled that there was no such thing as a “de facto” family under Irish law and stated that the Irish Constitution gave protection only to the marital family. This had precedence over European law, it said. This ruling was further clarified and emphasised by the High Court this week.

The outcome is a very unsatisfactory one for unmarried fathers and their children, especially when disputes arise between the parents. A father who spent many years devotedly caring for his children could find that, unless he had obtained guardianship through agreement with his partner or through a court order, he had no rights when the relationship broke up. The fact that one in three children is born outside of marriage in Ireland underlines the potential scale of the problem
.

The Law Reform Commission has published a consultation paper on this and related issues and its final report is expected before the end of the year. The consultation paper provisionally recommended that unmarried fathers should automatically be guardians of their children unless this was not in the interests of the child. The Minister for Justice has indicated he will consider carefully any legislative proposals in the forthcoming LRC report. This is welcome because the present unsatisfactory situation must not be allowed to continue.



PATIENT SAFETY IN THE HEALTH SERVICE EXECUTIVE

One of the key recommendations of recent reports on improving patient safety in the health service is for doctors and other healthcare professionals to learn to openly acknowledge mistakes when they occur. Offering a sincere apology is rated as highly important by those affected by clinical mistakes, an approach which contrasts with past rigid legal advice to admit nothing while avoiding unnecessary discussion of the incident. How ironic then that Minister for Health Mary Harney, a vocal advocate for greater patient safety, should seek to use legal arguments to avoid dealing fairly and openly with survivors of thalidomide. By not meeting them to clarify important aspects of a settlement prior to announcing a compensation package this week; by relying on the State Claims Agency to calculate the package in a “take it or leave it” manner; and by insisting there is no legal obligation on the State in the matter, she has added unnecessary insult to the 32 victims of thalidomide and their families. But it is her continued failure to offer a full government apology to victims that is most difficult to understand.

Thalidomide survivors are the sons and daughters of mothers prescribed the morning sickness medication while pregnant. The drug was withdrawn from use after it was linked to birth deformities in the offspring of mothers who had taken thalidomide while pregnant. Thalidomide caused severe foetal damage by preventing the growth of new blood vessels at a critical period in the babies’ development; the most obvious effects were absent or foreshortened limbs, but childrens’ vision and hearing was also affected while others sustained damage to internal organs.

Not expected to live long, survivors have pushed themselves beyond the immediate limitations imposed by their disabilities. Now, however, many are in constant pain, while others require joint replacement surgery. Some need assistance in modifying their environment to continue living independently.

In claiming there is no legal obligation to offer redress, Ms Harney may find her grounds for reaching this conclusion are less than secure: thalidomide was approved for use here by the State; its withdrawal from use was haphazardly carried out so that thalidomide continued to be used by pregnant women well after the date of official market suspension; and many women obtained the drug over the counter, making it difficult to track those affected. But it is the absence of High Court approval for an original settlement package involving minors that appears likely to undermine the State’s view that the 1975 compensation package is legally valid.

Thalidomide survivors can reasonably point to the disparity between their treatment and the victims of contaminated blood products who became infected with the hepatitis C and HIV viruses. Their claims were dealt with by the Lindsay tribunal in a way that ensured a clear legal entitlement to medical care and rehabilitation equipment and advice. It is past time for the Government to formally say sorry to thalidomide victims and to work with them to agree fair compensation.




A FEW SIMPLE WORDS EXPOSE ARCBISHOP MARTIN
Dr. Rowan Williamson - Archbishop of Canterbury

April 6, 2010

Archbishop Diarmuid Martin was clearly very upset by the remarks of Dr Rowan Williams Archbishop of Canterbury (RTE News).

Williams’ (accurate) assertion that the Catholic Church in Ireland had lost all credibility drew an instant and strong response from Martin. He issued an immediate statement to the media saying he was ‘stunned’ by the remark.

Bishop Willie Walsh was sent out to express the outage felt by the hierarchy saying that the remark was harsh, over the top and went against all the evidence (Marian Finucane Show – Saturday).The evidence, he bizarrely claimed, was the huge number of people who had attended weekend Mass.

Then, amazingly, Archbishop Martin himself got onto the same show to express his stunned shock at such a terrible event.

Listening to the Archbishop it was clear what worried him most – that Williams’ (correct) assessment of the corrupt nature of the Irish Catholic Church was going to be broadcast by the BBC across the globe or, as Martin put it – Boomed across the world.

He was obviously shocked, that after all his careful manipulation of the Irish media and in particular RTE, a simple few words from Williams would see it all come to nothing when the brutal truth was broadcast across the globe by the most respected broadcasting agency on the planet.

In a desperate damage limitation move he announced that he was going to write immediately to Williams and would publish the correspondence if necessary.

Martin obviously felt that those few simple words were so damaging (revealing) that immediate and strong action was necessary to limit the damage.

In the end no letter demanding an apology was necessary. Williams, realising he had made what I call an ‘in house error’ immediately telephoned Martin and made an abject apology expressing his deep sorrow and regret for difficulties that may have been created by his remarks.

So what was this spat all about? It has all to do with the truth. Williams, in an unguarded moment, uttered the brutal truth that the Catholic Church in Ireland is indeed without any credibility whatsoever.

How could a church that presided over a child abuse holocaust have any credibility especially when, as the truth began to seep out, it engaged in a long, well funded, well organised cover up?

And make no mistake about it Dr. Martin is part of that ongoing denial/cover up.
Williams’ slip of the truth has damaged Martin’s well choreographed propaganda campaign of the last two years or so. His working of the media, and in particular RTE, has been a major and very successful part of his campaign.

In practically every interview Martin is treated with an over arching deference and in most cases, as in his interview with Marian Finucane on Saturday, is actually told what a great man he is.

This dishonest strategy was exposed during the bishops’ visit to the Pope recently. It was clear that nothing had changed, that the Catholic Church was still in denial, still engaged in a damage limitation strategy, still putting all its resources and power into protecting the church rather than admitting the brutal truth.

Archbishop Martin, the soft face of this strategy of dishonesty and denial, made no criticism whatsoever of the Pope’s failure to properly address the pain of the victims.

Neither did Martin express any criticism when the Pope’s pastoral letter blamed secularism for the child abuse holocaust.

It was the immediate, strong and panicked response by Martin to a few simple words of truth that has exposed his true position.

His response to the child abuse horror is, and always has been, strictly in line with the Vatican’s policy of putting the interests of the church before the safety of children and the Pope’s failure to properly address the pain of the victims.




A LEOPARD NEVER CHANGES ITS SPOTS and FIANNA FAIL NEVER CHANGES ITS CHARACTER

Fianna Fail Senator Ivor Callely, who lives in Dublin, has been claiming overnight and travel expenses for his personal property in Cork. That home is 370 km from his office in Dublin.

The normal allowance is €55 for within 15km of Governments; over 24km is €126; beyond that it is 59 cents a km up to 6,437 km: beyond that it is 28 cents a km.

This man had already lost his Dail seat and failed to win a Seanad position but true to form of ignoring the electorate, the disgraced and former Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern, gave him a Senators seat so he could claim all those lovely expenses and a salary for a position to which he was never elected.  This was the same man who resigned his position as Minister of Transport in 2006 for having his house painted and had the cost gifted to him by a builder and developer. This is the same man who now has the audacity to claim travel expenses for his other home in Cork to the tune of €81,000. This is just a long line and pedigree of the party that he serves and who serve him but never the electorate they are supposed to serve. Below is just a small sample of other blatant corruption of lies and deceit that Fianna Fail calls truth:

1. In October 2007, Taoiseach Bertie Ahern became the highest paid Prime Minister in the democratic world at €310,000, more than US President George Bush at €279,000. Fianna Fail Ministers such as Willie O’Dea are paid more than US Vice President Dick Cheney.

 2. In October 2007, former Fianna Fail Government Press Secretary Frank Dunlop told the Mahon Tribunal that property developer Owen O’Callaghan paid off a debt of £10,700 for Fianna Fail councillor Colm McGrath when he was facing a court judgment.  

3. In October 2007, a book was published that included a claim that a serving Government Minister had admitted taking cocaine, and that he wasn’t the only one doing it. Taoiseach Bertie Ahern made no effort to investigate this.

 4. In September 2007, Fianna Fail TD Michael Collins was found guilty in court of obtaining a tax clearance certificate under false pretences. He had previously made a €130,000 tax settlement arising from a bogus non-resident bank account.

 5. In September 2007, jailed Fianna Fail councillor Michael ‘Stroke’ Fahey had missed six months of council meetings, and by law he should have been deemed to have resigned. He escaped this by asking the council to deem his absence to be ‘due to illness and attendance in Dublin’.

 6. In September 2007, Taoiseach Bertie Ahern, while being questioned at the Mahon Tribunal, accepted that his earlier story that Celia Larkin had made a £30,000 sterling transaction on his behalf could not be correct, unless the bank records were inaccurate.

 

7. In September 2007, Taoiseach Bertie Ahern, while being questioned at the Mahon Tribunal, said that he must have given £30,000 to somebody else (to make a transaction that the bank had no record for), but he didn’t know who he gave the money to.

 8. New enterprise and former Minister of Education, Batty O Keefe, ran up a bill of over €30,000 on a visit last March to celebrate St Patricks Day.

 9. In August 2007, Bertie Ahern appointed as a Senator former Fianna Fail TD John Ellis, who had just lost his Dail seat in a general election, and who had resigned as chair of an Oireachtas committee after a scandal in 1999.

 10. In August 2007, it was revealed that Fianna Fail-led Governments have so far spent €52 million on obtaining and storing electronic voting machines that have only been used once, in a number of constituencies in the 2002 election.

 11. In July 2007, after a strenuous seven days of work since being elected in mid-June, the Dail adjourned for a three-month summer holiday.

 12. In July 2007 the Standards in Public Office Commission said that Fianna Fail had failed to report a donation in the party’s statutory declarations for 2005.

 13. In June 2007, Taoiseach Bertie Ahern made secret deals, using taxpayers’ money, with Independent TDs to secure their support as Taoiseach. Two of these independent TDs, Beverly Flynn and Michael Lowry, had previously been forced to resign from their parties after scandals.

 14. In June 2007, Fianna Fail changed the law to create three new Junior Ministers with salaries of €150,000 a year. They had previously done this in 1977 and 1980. When Fine Gael did the same in 1995, Fianna Fail called it an abuse of the taxpayer and an act of hypocrisy, and Bertie Ahern vowed to abolish the new posts.

 15. In March 2007, Fianna Fail councillor Michael ‘Stroke’ Fahey was jailed for twelve months after being found guilty of defrauding his own council of €15,000 and falsely implicating an innocent contractor in the crime. The jailed councillor was also chairman of the Limerick Prison visiting committee.

 16. In May 2007, stockbroker Padraig O’Connor said that Bertie Ahern was wrong to say that he had given Ahern £5,000 as a loan from a friend in 1993. O’Connor said he was not a friend of Ahern’s, that he had been asked for a political donation of £5,000, that he had given that on a company cheque and that he had been given in return a false invoice for consultancy work that had not been done.

 17. In February 2007, Taoiseach Bertie Ahern praised the Moriarty Tribunal for its ‘outstanding work in painstakingly stripping away the layers of secrecy and obscurity surrounding Mr Haughey’s financial affairs and exposing them to public scrutiny.’

 

18. In December 2006, the Moriarty Tribunal found that former Taoiseach Charles Haughey took payments of €11.56 million, or €45 million in today’s money, between 1979 and 1996, and granted favours in return.

19. In October 2006, it emerged that Taoiseach Bertie Ahern had bought his house from businessman Michael Wall, who had been at a dinner in Manchester at which Ahern was given £8,000 sterling. When asked why he had not previously said that Wall was at the dinner, Ahern replied that Wall had not eaten the dinner.

20. In September 2006, Taoiseach Bertie Ahern said that, when he was Minister for Finance, he had unexpectedly received a donation of £8,000 sterling from some millionaires who he had a meal with in Manchester on the night before a Manchester United football match.

21. In September 2006, Taoiseach Bertie Ahern accepted that he had appointed people who gave him money to State boards, but he insisted that he did not appoint them because they gave him money. He said he had appointed them because they were his friends.

22. In September 2006, Taoiseach Bertie Ahern said that he had accepted £39,000 from friends, including the brilliantly-named Paddy the Plasterer, in 1993 and 1994. He said it was loans, and that he had tried to pay them back but they had all refused.

23. In September 2006, when Taoiseach Bertie Ahern was first asked about allegations of receiving from €50,000 and €100,000 from businessmen, he told journalists that a lot of the report was correct but that ‘the figures are off the wall.’ This, of course, was true, because he got some of the money ‘off Michael Wall’.

24. In June 2006, Taoiseach Bertie Ahern said at the funeral of Charles Haughey that: ‘He was a consummate politician… The definition of a patriot is someone who devotes all their energy to the betterment of their countrymen. Charles Haughey was a patriot to his finger tips.’

25. In May 2006, Fianna Fail Junior Minister Conor Lenihan heckled Socialist Party TD Joe Higgins during a Dail debate. Higgins had been campaigning on behalf of immigrant Turkish construction workers, and Lenihan said that Higgins should stick with the kebabs’.

26. In December 2005, Fianna Fail Junior Minister Ivor Callely resigned when it emerged that a top construction company had painted his house free of charge, while the company was also doing work for the Eastern Health Board of which Callely was chairperson.

27. In November 2005, with gangland crime all over the newspapers, Fianna Fail Minister for Defence Willie O’Dea posed for photographers smiling as he pointed a pistol directly into the camera.

28. In April 2005, former Fianna Fail Junior Minister for Transport, Jim McDaid, who had led an anti-drink-driving campaign, was arrested after drunkenly driving his car the wrong way up a busy dual carriageway.

 

29. In January 2005, former Fianna Fail Justice Minister Ray Burke was jailed for six months for making false tax declarations, breaking a law that he himself had helped to pass. He served four and a half months in Arbour Hill prison.

30. In May 2004, Fianna Fail expelled Mayo TD Beverly Flynn from the Party. Bertie Ahern said the integrity of the party depended on her expulsion, that Fianna Fail was at a crossroads, and that the party would also have to deal with any other members who transgressed ethics and standards in public life.

31. In September 2003, Fianna Fail TD Michael Collins resigned from the Parliamentary Party after making a €130,000 tax settlement arising from a bogus non-resident bank account.

32. In September 2003, Fianna Fail TD GV Wright knocked down a nurse while driving under the influence of alcohol. The nurse’s leg was broken in four places.

33. In December 2002, former Fianna Fail Government Press Secretary Frank Dunlop told the Flood Tribunal that former Fianna Fail TD Liam Lawlor (who he also knew as ‘Mr Big’) was the first person to tell him that money would have to be paid to councillors in return for their votes.

34. In November 2002, former Fianna Fail Government press Secretary Frank Dunlop named six Fianna Fail councillors who he bribed to secure the rezoning of land at Carrickmines in south Dublin.

35. In September 2002, the Flood Tribunal found that former Fianna Fail Justice Minister Ray Burke received corrupt payments, including £125,000 from property developers and £30,000 from the owners of Century Radio.

36. In September 2002, the Flood Tribunal found that former Fianna Fail Government Press Secretary PJ Mara had failed to co-operate with the Tribunal, by failing to provide details of an overseas account. In the 1980s, in a Hot Press interview, Mara said that his greatest ambition was ‘never to be found out’.

37. In May 2002, former Fianna Fail Government press Secretary Frank Dunlop said that he paid at least £160,000 to 25 councillors in relation to the redrafting of the Dublin County Council development plan from 1991 to 1993.

38. In February 2002, former Fianna Fail TD Liam Lawlor was jailed for a third time for contempt of court when he refused to comply with orders of the Flood Tribunal. When the Dail called for his resignation, he was brought to Leinster House in a prison van to speak against the motion. Lawlor had previously chaired the Dail Ethics Committee.

39. In January 2002, former Fianna Fail TD Liam Lawlor was jailed for a second time for contempt of court when he refused to comply with orders of the Flood Tribunal.

40. In December 2001, Fianna Fail TD Ned O’Keefe resigned as a Junior Minister. He had voted on a bill about feeding bone meal to animals, forgetting to inform the Dail that his family was involved in manufacturing the substance.

41. In October 2001, Fianna Fail Junior Minister Joe Jacob, who was responsible for the Government’s emergency response to nuclear accidents at Sellafield, gave a comical interview on RTE radio that resulted in the Government having to send iodine tablets to every house in the country.

42. In April 2001, Fianna Fail TD Beverly Flynn resigned from the Oireachtas Public Accounts Committee. She had lost a libel case that she had taken against RTE, who had correctly reported that she had sold banking products designed to assist tax evaders. After losing the case, she faced a €2million legal bill.

43. In January 2001, former Fianna Fail TD Liam Lawlor was jailed for contempt of court when he refused to comply with orders of the Flood Tribunal.

44. In June 2000, Fianna Fail TD Liam Lawlor resigned from the Parliamentary Party after he misled an internal party investigation about a donation that he had received. Lawlor was also chair of the Oireachtas Joint Ethics committee.

45. In May 2000, Fianna Fail Finance Minister Charlie McCreevy nominated Hugh O’Flaherty to a £147,000 job as Vice President of the European Investment Bank. O’Flaherty was a former High Court judge who had been forced to resign after a scandal the previous year.

46. In February 2000, Fianna Fail TD Denis Foley resigned from the Parliamentary Party. He had £100,000 in an illegal offshore account. He said that he knew that his account might have been an Ansbacher one, but he had been ‘hoping against hope’ that it was not.

47. In November 1999, Fianna Fail TD John Ellis resigned as chairperson of the Oireachtas Agriculture Committee. He owed money to farmers, he had £250,000 in debts written off by NIB, and Charles Haughey had given him £26,000 of taxpayers’ cash to settle other debts.

48. In January 1999, former Fianna Fail Minister Padraig Flynn appeared on the Late Late Show on RTE. Now a European Commissioner, Flynn complained about the difficulties of living on ‘just £100,000 a year’ when he had three houses, housekeepers and various cars to maintain. ‘You should try it,’ he added.

49. In June 1995, Celia Larkin lodged £11,743.34 into Fianna Fail leader Bertie Ahern’s bank account. Ahern says that £10,000 sterling of this was actually his own money, part of £50,000 that he had earlier withdrawn from his own account and used to buy £30,000 sterling. However, the bank has no record of selling £30,000 sterling to anybody during that period.

50. In December 1994, Celia Larkin lodged £28,772.90 into Fianna Fail leader Bertie Ahern’s bank account. Ahern says that this was £30,000 sterling cash given to him in a briefcase by his soon-to-be landlord, just after he had become Fianna Fail leader and was expected to become Taoiseach However, the amount equates exactly to $45,000 based on bank exchange rates on that date.


This is just the tip of the iceberg and I will have a recent update for you that will make the above look a children’s crèche fighting over toys.

 

Barry Clifford     email: barryclifford952@gmail.com   
ph:  0877511113   o
ughterard, County Galway

 

 

           

 

 




Children not seen by social workers for 10 years

Children in State care have not had a visit from a social worker for up to 10 years or more;

Record-keeping was so poor that inspectors have had difficulties establishing an accurate number for children in foster care;

There were just over 800 children in foster care in these areas late last year, well over 200 had placements with unapproved foster parents for significant periods or were without care plans.

Children as young as five were placed in supported lodgings designed for older teenage children.

Many files were incomplete, incorrect or just simply missing.

In an internal letter last year, head of HIQA Tracey Cooper warned HSE Chief Executive Brendan Drumm, Health Minister Mary Harney and equally inept man, Barry Andrews that the findings were very serious for children in its care. “These issues give rise to further concern as to how the HSE is able to assure itself that the necessary systems and processes are in place to safeguard and manage the quality and safety of children in care. The HSE has no assurance that the carers are suitable people, children have no opportunity to complain if they are unhappy or unsafe,”

She also warned that the HSE is in breach of at least 10 separate statutory duties relating to childcare standards in the Dublin area alone.

Social-work staff has a statutory responsibility to visit children in foster care at least once every six months. The audit of foster-care files found that during this period of time most children had not been visited for up to four years (223). A further 20 had not received a visit for between five and 10 years or more.

The HSE said “Progress on this is now well under way. The practice of placing children with non-relative unapproved carers has ceased”. Where child-protection concerns existed, the HSE says it has reviewed the cases and taken action.

Now that that is all sorted out what ever happened about those missing or deceased children again……..

Barry Clifford         June   2010

 

 

y Edel Kennedy

Children not seen by social workers for 10 years

Children in State care have not had a visit from a social worker for up to 10 years or more;

Record-keeping was so poor that inspectors have had difficulties establishing an accurate number for children in foster care;

There were just over 800 children in foster care in these areas late last year, well over 200 had placements with unapproved foster parents for significant periods or were without care plans.

Children as young as five were placed in supported lodgings designed for older teenage children.

Many files were incomplete, incorrect or just simply missing.

In an internal letter last year, head of HIQA Tracey Cooper warned HSE Chief Executive Brendan Drumm, Health Minister Mary Harney and equally inept man, Barry Andrews that the findings were very serious for children in its care. “These issues give rise to further concern as to how the HSE is able to assure itself that the necessary systems and processes are in place to safeguard and manage the quality and safety of children in care. The HSE has no assurance that the carers are suitable people, children have no opportunity to complain if they are unhappy or unsafe,”

She also warned that the HSE is in breach of at least 10 separate statutory duties relating to childcare standards in the Dublin area alone.

Social-work staff has a statutory responsibility to visit children in foster care at least once every six months. The audit of foster-care files found that during this period of time most children had not been visited for up to four years (223). A further 20 had not received a visit for between five and 10 years or more.

The HSE said “Progress on this is now well under way. The practice of placing children with non-relative unapproved carers has ceased”. Where child-protection concerns existed, the HSE says it has reviewed the cases and taken action.

Now that that is all sorted out what ever happened about those missing or deceased children again……..

Barry Clifford         June   2010

 

 

Children not seen by social workers for 10 years

Children in State care have not had a visit from a social worker for up to 10 years or more;

Record-keeping was so poor that inspectors have had difficulties establishing an accurate number for children in foster care;

There were just over 800 children in foster care in these areas late last year, well over 200 had placements with unapproved foster parents for significant periods or were without care plans.

Children as young as five were placed in supported lodgings designed for older teenage children.

Many files were incomplete, incorrect or just simply missing.

In an internal letter last year, head of HIQA Tracey Cooper warned HSE Chief Executive Brendan Drumm, Health Minister Mary Harney and equally inept man, Barry Andrews that the findings were very serious for children in its care. “These issues give rise to further concern as to how the HSE is able to assure itself that the necessary systems and processes are in place to safeguard and manage the quality and safety of children in care. The HSE has no assurance that the carers are suitable people, children have no opportunity to complain if they are unhappy or unsafe,”

She also warned that the HSE is in breach of at least 10 separate statutory duties relating to childcare standards in the Dublin area alone.

Social-work staff has a statutory responsibility to visit children in foster care at least once every six months. The audit of foster-care files found that during this period of time most children had not been visited for up to four years (223). A further 20 had not received a visit for between five and 10 years or more.

The HSE said “Progress on this is now well under way. The practice of placing children with non-relative unapproved carers has ceased”. Where child-protection concerns existed, the HSE says it has reviewed the cases and taken action.

Now that that is all sorted out what ever happened about those missing or deceased children again……..

Barry Clifford         June   2010

 

 

 

Children not seen by social workers for 10 years

Children in State care have not had a visit from a social worker for up to 10 years or more;

Record-keeping was so poor that inspectors have had difficulties establishing an accurate number for children in foster care;

There were just over 800 children in foster care in these areas late last year, well over 200 had placements with unapproved foster parents for significant periods or were without care plans.

Children as young as five were placed in supported lodgings designed for older teenage children.

Many files were incomplete, incorrect or just simply missing.

In an internal letter last year, head of HIQA Tracey Cooper warned HSE Chief Executive Brendan Drumm, Health Minister Mary Harney and equally inept man, Barry Andrews that the findings were very serious for children in its care. “These issues give rise to further concern as to how the HSE is able to assure itself that the necessary systems and processes are in place to safeguard and manage the quality and safety of children in care. The HSE has no assurance that the carers are suitable people, children have no opportunity to complain if they are unhappy or unsafe,”

She also warned that the HSE is in breach of at least 10 separate statutory duties relating to childcare standards in the Dublin area alone.

Social-work staff has a statutory responsibility to visit children in foster care at least once every six months. The audit of foster-care files found that during this period of time most children had not been visited for up to four years (223). A further 20 had not received a visit for between five and 10 years or more.

The HSE said “Progress on this is now well under way. The practice of placing children with non-relative unapproved carers has ceased”. Where child-protection concerns existed, the HSE says it has reviewed the cases and taken action.

Now that that is all sorted out what ever happened about those missing or deceased children again……..

Barry Clifford         June   2010

 

 

Monday May 24 2010





 
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